Networks of Resistance in European Print Culture

A Copy of Verses… Philip Robinson Library, Newcastle University, UK. Special Collections. Broadsides: 8/1/6. Reproduced with kind permission.

This year I have been involved with a group of colleagues at Newcastle University who are interested in the theme of ‘Networks of Resistance in European Print Culture’. From our very first meeting back in September, I was struck by the parallels across time and space, with similar themes and issues emerging in very different contexts. Since then we have established a reading group, which devoted its first meeting to John McMillian's article '"Our Founder, the Mimeograph Machine": Participatory Democracy in Students for a Democratic Society's Print Culture', and held a session in the Philip Robinson Library at which several of us presented an item or items from Special Collections as a way of introducing our own research in the area. Across these sessions, several themes have emerged.

The first is the value of ephemera. All of the works discussed in the two sessions were ephemeral in one sense or another. In the Library session, Melanie Wood and Rachel Anderson presented a series of miners' songs from the nineteenth century. Not only do they provide an insight into an oral culture that would often be lost to historians, but the songs are rare (they do not appear on the British Folksong Index) and the broadsides fragile. Yet they offer an important insight into the miners' strikes that took place in Northumberland and Durham in the early 1830s and 1840s, the issues surrounding those strikes, and the culture of solidarity among the miners.

Roger de Rabutin, comte d Bussy, Histoire amoureuse des Gaules (1708). Philip Robinson Library, Newcastle University, UK. Special Collections. Bradshaw 848.4.BUS. Reproduced with kind permission.

The item presented by Joseph Hone, while less obviously ephemeral in its material form, fits the model described by Robert Darnton of works that were very popular in their own time, but have been largely forgotten today (Robert Darnton, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France. London, 1996). Histoire Amoureuse des Gaules by Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Bussy, was, as Joe explained, a scandalous presentation of the sex lives of the French King and royal family that Rabutin wrote to entertain his mistress. Originally produced as a manuscript for private circulation, the work was leaked and quickly became a best seller. While intended for titillation and entertainment, like eighteenth-century works of political pornography described by Darnton, it had political resonance and impact by undermining respect for royalty

Thomas Spence, Pigs’ Meat, or, lessons for the swinish multitude, second edition (London, 1795). Philip Robinson Library, Newcastle University UK. Special Collections. Rare Books: RB 331.04 PIG. In this image it is possible to see the different types of paper used in this volume.

Thomas Spence's Pigs' Meat, which was the focus of my short presentation, was also a deliberately ephemeral work. Its cheap format made it affordable for ordinary working people who were Spence's target audience. By selling the periodical for just 1d per weekly issue, and by filling it with short extracts from a range of contemporary and historic political works, Spence was making political ideas accessible to those who might not normally come into contact with them. As he examined the physical copy, Joe Hone discovered that the work was actually even more ephemeral than we had realised. He noticed that the format was unusual. Not only are the sheets folded into three rather than the more usual four or eight, but the paper used to make the pages is not uniform. It would appear that this second edition of the first volume was produced from off-cuts that were perhaps lying around in Spence's shop. In this sense the miscellany format of the content of the work - composed of a series of extracts from different authors - is matched by the miscellaneous nature of the physical object itself.

If Spence had been a student in 1960s America he would no doubt have been a member of the organisation Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and a keen user of their mimeograph machine. This early form of photocopier was used by SDS members to produce their own materials - including a regular newsletter (initially called Discussion Bulletin) and to copy correspondence written by members of the group. The nature of the bulletin was simultaneously ephemeral - in that it was cheaply produced - and a way of sharing ideas beyond the organisation's leadership.

This hints at an answer to the second theme prompted by these discussions: why works of this nature were printed at all. This is a particularly pertinent question in the case of the miners' songs, given that many of the miners themselves were illiterate and the songs would have been shared orally rather than relying on printed dissemination

The first, and most obvious, answer is that putting ephemera into print was a means of communication; of spreading ideas beyond face-to-face meetings and in doing so building a wider network or community. In the case of the miners we can perhaps see one consequence of this in the visit by William Roberts, a leading Bristol Chartist, to the miners in the North East to offer them his support. We cannot know for sure, but perhaps Roberts heard about the situation in Northumberland and Durham via the printed songs. They would certainly have been a good means of spreading news of the strikes to miners and political campaigners elsewhere in the country to encourage solidarity.

William Walker Story and George Watson, The Pitmen’s Union. Philip Robinson Library, Newcastle University, UK. Special Collections. Broadsides 8/1/3. Reproduced with kind permission. This song includes reference to the Chartist William Roberts and his support for the north east miners.

Spence was also a keen writer and disseminator of songs. Several appear in Pigs' Meat itself, but there are also three collections of Spencean songs that were printed separately in the early nineteenth century. Spence had been writing songs since he was in Newcastle in the 1770s, and intended them to be sung at meetings of likeminded people. In the 1790s Spence was involved with the London Corresponding Society (LCS), a vehicle through which un-enfranchised artisans and workers campaigned for parliamentary reform. There is some evidence that songs were sung at LCS meetings and the society made great use of print more generally as a means of creating and expanding its community.

The SDS reminded me in various ways of the LCS and here too, as McMillian argued, print culture was key. He suggested that it was a good means of eliciting support for the organisation and building a sense of community - particularly over wider distances. Moreover in sharing ideas in print, and even reproducing private correspondence by members, the SDS leaders were modelling the kind of open democratic society they wanted to see on a national level.

McMillian also suggested a second reason why members of the SDS were keen to deploy print, one that I touched on in last month's blogpost. As some members acknowledged, the SDS's use of print opened opportunities for less socially confident members. Some who remained quiet in face-to-face meetings were much more articulate in print. In this sense print could be a more accessible medium for marginalised groups, including women and ethnic minorities. In the same way, the use of print by the LCS perhaps offered a route into political discussions (and perhaps even a voice) to labouring people who had not previously had the opportunity to express their political views.

The Pitmen’s Agreement. A New Song… Philip Robinson Library, Newcastle University, UK. Special Collections: Broadsides 8/1/16. Reproduced with kind permission.

A third reason for putting words into print is that it can be seen as giving legitimacy to the claims made, or ensuring a lasting record of those claims. This is perhaps most resonant in the case of the miners' protest songs. As noted above, many miners would not have been able to read the broadsides, but also would not have needed to since they knew the songs by heart and were familiar with the events they were describing. The broadsides were perhaps useful, though, in legitimising the miners' cause not just to others at the time but also to posterity. Melanie and Rachel noted that the local Newcastle newspapers had tended to be neutral on the events described in the songs. Perhaps printing the songs was a means for the miners to put their side of the case to a wider public.

Spence did something similar when he found himself on the wrong side of the authorities. In The Case of Thomas Spence he offered an account of the circumstances of his arrest and subsequent release for selling seditious books in 1792. In The Important Trial of Thomas Spence he offered a full account of his 1803 trial, presented from his own perspective, perhaps to counter the official newspaper reports. The same might also be true of an organisation like the SDS - particularly in its early years when it was seeking to establish itself - with print being used as a way to gain status and legitimacy.

Here we see the title page of the Comte de Bussy’s work with its false imprint.

One final theme that was prompted by the workshop was the value and reliability - or unreliability - of imprints. In my work on Spence I have been using the information given on the title pages of his pamphlets to build a chronology of his bookselling businesses - identifying which premises he operated from and when he moved from one to another. As Joe pointed out in his talk, not all imprints can be used in this way. The title page of Histoire Amoureuse des Gaules gives the printer as Pierre Marteau of Cologne. As Joe noted, very few books were printed in Cologne at this time, since the city probably only had two presses. The use of a false imprint was particularly common in the case of scandalous or seditious books, and 'Pierre Marteau, Cologne' was a very common example of this which was used across Europe in the early modern period. We explored whether false imprints were genuinely intended to hide, and therefore protect, the printer (given that other elements of the copies such as the wood cut ornaments could have been used for identification) or whether the false imprint was a signal to readers interested in scandalous material. In the late seventeenth century 'Amsterdam' was often used as a false imprint for English books that showed some sympathy for republican government. Of course, as the Library staff observed, the use of false imprints presents problems for those involved in cataloguing works. The convention when cataloguing is to transcribe the information on the title page. If some of that information is false, then the catalogue itself is corrupted as a result. As this would suggest, there is much to learn from paying careful attention to the material form and paratextual elements of ephemeral material.

The Materiality of Early Modern Political Texts - 2

In my last blogpost, I noted the point made by one participant at our Experiencing Political Texts workshop in York, that the correspondence of early modern men and women has been viewed differently. Whereas that of men who participated in politics has been read as a political text, that of women (even powerful and influential women) is often dismissed as gossip. That observation led me to ponder what makes a text political. Katie East addressed this point explicitly in her paper at the second part of our workshop on the materiality of texts, which took place on 28 March 2023. This is one of three themes that I want to explore here that arose out of the papers delivered on that day. The other two are the methods used by early modern authors to control or delimit the meaning of their text, and the survival of ephemeral texts.

Painting of Cicero denouncing Catiline and his conspiracy. Taken from Wikimedia Commons.

As Katie made clear, the political nature of a text is determined by several factors. Conventionally emphasis is placed on the content of the work and the intention of the author as well as the interventions of editors, commentators, or translators. Yet, as she explained, two other factors also play a critical role. First, the context(s) in which the work is written, printed, and read, and secondly the materiality of the text itself. Both Katie's paper and those that followed offered several illustrations of how context and materiality can enhance a text's political character.

Katie's paper focused on accounts of the Catiline conspiracy in ancient Rome that were published during the early modern period. She demonstrated how that story was given a new political edge: both during the Jacobite uprisings of the early eighteenth century, and in the chaos generated by the financial collapse of the South Sea Company. In her paper, Alex Plane showed how works that might be deemed apolitical in one context, could take on a political meaning in another. This was the case with the works on duelling held in the library of James VI and I. James was keen to establish his reputation as a peacemaker, yet this was undermined if members of the nobility were killing each other in duels rather than settling their issues via formal legal means. Duelling became a political matter, therefore, so too did the possession of books about it.

Sketch of Thomas Spence’s profile. Taken from the Hedley Papers at the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society. Reproduced with the permission of the Society.

Explicitly political works could also have their political edge heightened by being read in new contexts. Harriet Gray demonstrated this with reference to Thomas Spence's political works. Though Spence died in 1814, members of the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society felt the need to distance themselves from his ideas in 1817 due to both the campaign against the Society of Spencean Philanthropists in London and the activities of their own librarian John Marshall, who showed marked sympathy for Spencean ideas.

Titlepage from Thomas Gordon’s edition of Sallust. Taken from Eighteenth-Century Collections Online.

Perhaps more surprising are the ways in which the materiality of a text could render it more or less political. Katie showed how even just the title page could emphasise or de-emphasise the political nature of Cicero's speeches on the Catiline conspiracy - or be used to encourage a particular reading of them. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed various accounts of the conspiracy, including both those that used it to call for loyalty to the existing (monarchical) regime and those that adopted a republican reading. The addition of paratextual material such as dedications and, in the case of Thomas Gordon's translation of Sallust's historical account, overtly 'political' discourses on the text, could further heighten its political character and/or a specific interpretation. Even the layout of the text on the page could contribute to this. Gordon deliberately adopted a clean, classical, layout to push his political message. This was in contrast to the busier appearance of scholarly editions which encouraged a more contemplative reading.

Page from John Spittlehouse’s pamphlet The Royall Advocate which includes the marginal note ‘Jesus Christ was no Quaker’. Taken from Early English Books Online.

Leanne Smith furthered our consideration of page layout by showing how the Fifth Monarchist John Spittlehouse deliberately used the white space at the edges of a page to draw the attention of his readers to key passages and to direct their understanding. His pointed comments in the margin alongside his account of Oliver Cromwell's speech to Parliament on 4 September 1654 encouraged readers to question Cromwell's actions and motives. While comments in the margin of The Royall Advocate such as 'Jesus Christ was no Quaker' sought to turn his readers against that radical sect.

The page from The True Patriot’s Speech at Rome which gives the false imprint. Taken from Early English Books Online.

Finally, Joe Hone showed us how even something as apparently innocuous as the imprint could enhance the political character of a text. His paper focused on the short pamphlet The True Patriot's Speech to the People of Rome. Though printed in London in 1708, the imprint read 'Amsterdam, 1656'. Joe argued that 'Amsterdam' was used repeatedly around this time as shorthand to indicate the republican or anti-monarchical content or implications of certain texts. In this sense it was not a way of avoiding censorship (as might be thought) but rather a declaration of allegiance. Similarly, dating the pamphlet '1656' suggested its relevance to the period of the English republic, and encouraged the audience to read it as a counterpart to key republican texts such as James Harrington's The Commonwealth of Oceana and Marchamont Nedham's The Excellencie of a Free State, both of which appeared that year.

Ben Jonson’s poem ‘To Groom Idiot’ taken from https://www.luminarium.org/sevenlit/jonson/groomidiot.htm

We have already seen, with reference to Leanne's paper, how the materiality of the text could be used to encourage a particular political reading of it. This point was explored from a different perspective in Ruth Connolly's discussion. Ruth showed how Ben Jonson made careful use of punctuation to contain and control the meaning of his works. First, he made clear his expectation of readers in his poem 'To Groom Idiot', which criticises the eponymous recipient of the poem for failing to understand the punctuation of his works and for laughing in the wrong places. By this means Jonson created expectations as to how his works should be read. Secondly, Ruth used several specific examples to illustrate how a subtle change in punctuation - for example from a colon to a question mark - could alter the meaning of the text - and even how in a letter to Cecil from 1605 a colon was used to imply a meaning that was not explicit in the written words. Despite being very different kinds of writers, both Jonson and Spittlehouse used technical features of their texts to direct the reader's response. This is, of course, something we also see being used much more systematically in the elaborate bindings produced by Thomas Hollis for the works he disseminated, and in the marginal notes he added to those texts, which I explored in a previous blogpost.

The copy of Thomas Spence’s lecture held among the Hedley Papers at the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society. Reproduced with the permission of the Society.

Finally, having been prompted by the papers delivered at York to think about the ephemerality versus the durability of early modern texts, I was interested to hear in the final panel about examples of ephemeral texts surviving under what might seem strange circumstances. Alex Plane explained that there is in James VI and I's Library an edict against duelling issued by Louis XIII of France in 1613. This is exceptionally rare - indeed it appears to be the only surviving copy. Its presence in James's library is probably due to Henry Howard, who was commissioned by James to write a work for him that was critical of duelling. To prepare for this task, Howard produced a common place book on the subject, and probably collected the edict as part of an information gathering trip to France. In her paper Harriet Gray reported that ephemeral material relating to Thomas Spence and John Marshall (including the only extant copy of Spence's original lecture 'Property in Land Everyone's Right' and Marshall's Newcastle Swineheard's Proclamation) can be found among the papers of the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society. Their survival is due to the concern among members to distance the Society from both Spence and Marshall, it is even possible that placing the texts in the collection was more about hiding them than preserving them (or at least about controlling the context in which they were read). They were not easy to locate or access  - as reflected in the fact that the Spence pamphlet was only discovered in 2005.

In my reflections on the first part of our workshop, I suggested that it had enhanced my understanding of how political works were produced and read in the early modern period. The second part deepened this, not least in encouraging me to think more about early modern cultures of reading and writing. Both Jonson and Spittlehouse took great care to guide their readers. Alex's description of James taking his courtiers on what were effectively writing retreats and having them surround him at dinner to discuss recently published pamphlets and draft responses to them, suggests a different kind of reading and writing culture from the image of an author sitting at a desk scribbling in the margins. Do we also, then, need to think again about our own cultures of reading and writing? What do readers need to know in order to properly to understand modern political texts?